愛國用英語怎么說
先有國，后有家。我們都應(yīng)該熱愛我們的祖國，義不容辭。那么你知道愛國用英語怎么說嗎?現(xiàn)在跟學(xué)習(xí)啦小編一起學(xué)習(xí)關(guān)于愛國的英語知識(shí)吧。
愛國用英語怎么說
patriotism
patriotic
love of country
愛國英語例句
1.National Patriotic Movement
全國愛國運(yùn)動(dòng)(愛國運(yùn)動(dòng))
2.Rwanda Patriotic Army
盧旺達(dá)愛國軍(愛國軍)
3.All patriots belong to one big family, whether they rally to the common cause early or late.
愛國一家，愛國不分先后。
4.Rwandese Army (APR)
盧旺達(dá)軍(愛國軍)
5.religious [patriotic] sentiment
宗教情操 [愛國心]
6.Love of and devotion to one's country.
愛國主義熱愛祖國和為國獻(xiàn)身的精神
7.One who loves, supports, and defends one's country.
愛國者熱愛、支持和保衛(wèi)自己國家的人
8.Union des Patriotes Democratiques
民主愛國人士聯(lián)盟(愛國聯(lián)盟)
9.It is traditional for Chinese religious believers to love their country and religions.
中國的宗教徒有愛國愛教的傳統(tǒng)。
10.Feeling, expressing, or inspired by love for one's country.
愛國的，有愛國熱情的愛國的，表達(dá)對(duì)祖國的熱愛的，被對(duì)祖國的愛所鼓舞的
11.Patriotism are its roots deep in the instincts and the offections, love of country is the expansion do dutiful love.
愛國注意根植在人的本性和愛心中，熱愛祖國是忠誠之愛的延展。
12.Higher unity of loving a country, loving people and loving socialism --Discussion on Deng Xiaoping s patriotic ideas;
愛國、愛人民、愛社會(huì)主義的高度統(tǒng)一——論鄧小平的愛國主義思想
13.The patriot rendered services to his country all his life.
愛國者畢生為國家效力。
14.Chinese Patriotic Catholic Association
中國天主教愛國委員會(huì)
15.Patriotism is penalized and innocent people are in jail everywhere;
愛國有罪，冤獄遍于國中;
16.PATRIOTISM AND INTERNATIONALISM
愛國主義和國際主義
17.Someone has said that not loving socialism isn't equivalent to not loving one's motherland.
有人說不愛社會(huì)主義不等于不愛國。
18.imbued with patriotism, ambition, love, etc
充滿愛國主義精神、 雄心勃勃、 滿懷愛心
關(guān)于愛國的英文閱讀：一場(chǎng)愛國主義與民族主義的對(duì)決
Discard the familiar labels. Emmanuel Macron has broken the mould of French politics. The En Marche! leader says his second-round presidential contest with the National Front’s Marine Le Pen presents instead a choice between patriotism and nationalism. He is right. This insight should resonate well beyond France. The dividing line that now matters in rich democracies lies between patriots and nationalists.
丟掉熟悉的標(biāo)簽。埃馬紐埃爾?馬克龍(Emmanuel Macron)打破了法國政治的固有模式。這位“前進(jìn)”運(yùn)動(dòng)(En Marche!)的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人稱，他與國民陣線(National Front)領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人馬琳?勒龐(Marine Le Pen)之間的第二輪總統(tǒng)大選對(duì)決，等于讓民眾在愛國主義與民族主義之間做出一個(gè)選擇。他說得沒錯(cuò)。這個(gè)見解應(yīng)能在法國以外的廣大地區(qū)引起共鳴。如今，愛國主義者和民族主義者之間的分野已成為富裕民主國家內(nèi)部一條意義重大的分界線。
Populist insurgents across Europe have obscured the distinction. Citizens, they pretend, must choose between fealty to the nation and a wrecking globalism. The flag waving has destabilised mainstream parties of right and left. Some on the right have sought to ride the nationalist tiger. Hence British prime minister Theresa May’s unfortunate assertion that citizens of the world are citizens of nowhere. On the left, the common mistake has been to disavow any display of allegiance as xenophobia.
歐洲各地的民粹主義造反者使這一區(qū)別變得模糊。他們自稱，公民必須在忠于國家與破壞性的全球主義之間做出抉擇。這種有力的煽動(dòng)使左翼和右翼的主流政黨都發(fā)生了動(dòng)搖。一些右翼人士試圖騎上民族主義這只“猛虎”。因此有了英國首相特里薩?梅(Theresa May)令人遺憾的斷言——世界公民是不屬于任何國家的公民。在左翼，常見的錯(cuò)誤是把任何效忠表現(xiàn)都斥為仇外。
Mr Macron, the insider-outsider of European politics, has met the populists head on. Defying Mrs May’s binary choice, he proclaims himself an internationalist and a proud citizen of France.
擁有歐洲政治局內(nèi)人加局外人雙重身份的馬克龍與民粹主義者正面對(duì)上。無視梅非此即彼的選擇題，他宣布自己既是一名國際主義者，又是一名自豪的法國公民。
We have been here before. Surveying the forces that plunged Europe into war during the 1930s, the writer George Orwell saw the same blurring of lines. Patriotism, he wrote, is a positive emotion celebrating national institutions, traditions and values. It is open and optimistic. Nationalism is an altogether darker force, rooted at once in superiority and paranoia.
我們?cè)龅竭^這種情況。在研究導(dǎo)致上世紀(jì)30年代歐洲陷入戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)的因素時(shí)，作家喬治?奧威爾(George Orwell)發(fā)現(xiàn)了同樣的模糊了的分界線。他寫道，愛國主義是一種稱頌國家制度、傳統(tǒng)和價(jià)值觀的積極情感，是開放的、樂觀的。民族主義絕對(duì)要陰暗得多，同時(shí)根植于優(yōu)越感和偏執(zhí)癥。
Patriots have no quarrel with the choices made by others. Nationalists look for enemies, framing international relations as a zero-sum game. The thoughts of the nationalist, Orwell observed, “always turn on victories, defeats, triumphs and humiliations”.
愛國主義者對(duì)他人做出的選擇并無怨言。民族主義者尋找敵人，將國際關(guān)系視為零和博弈。奧威爾指出，民族主義者的思想“總是離不開勝利、失敗、成功和恥辱”。
He might have been talking about today’s Europe. Nationalists across the continent have destabilised the postwar liberal order by peddling the politics of exclusion and vilification. Petty tyrants such as Hungary’s Viktor Orban exult in their illiberalism. Poland is in the grip of a nationalist party that openly repudiates the values of the EU — though it of course insists on holding on to its access to generous Brussels funding. Beppe Grillo’s anti-European Five Star Movement in Italy threatens to overturn the ancien regime in collaboration with the far-right Northern League.
他描繪的簡(jiǎn)直就是今天的歐洲。歐洲大陸各地的民族主義者通過兜售排外和中傷式的政治，擾亂了戰(zhàn)后的自由秩序。匈牙利的歐爾班?維克托(Viktor Orban)之流的小暴君們?yōu)樗麄兎钚械姆醋杂芍髁x而感到歡欣鼓舞。掌控波蘭的民族主義政黨公開否定歐盟的價(jià)值觀——盡管它當(dāng)然繼續(xù)希望得到歐盟的慷慨資金援助。在意大利，貝佩?格里洛(Beppe Grillo)領(lǐng)導(dǎo)的反歐洲的五星運(yùn)動(dòng)(Five Star Movement)，威脅要與極右翼的北方聯(lián)盟(Northern League)合作推翻舊制度。
Ms Le Pen is as true as any to Orwell’s characterisation. Her brand of nationalism is pinched and tribal. Leading a party long soaked in anti-Semitism she has added Islam, Europe and globalisation to the roll of enemies. France, in this mindset, is a civilisation under siege. The appeal is to the angry and dispossessed. The supposed remedies — state control, vilification of immigrants, and protectionism — is the familiar snake oil of demagogues.
勒龐恰如奧威爾筆下刻畫的人物。她的民族主義思想干癟且狹隘。她領(lǐng)導(dǎo)的是一個(gè)長(zhǎng)期奉行反猶主義的政黨，她還把伊斯蘭教、歐洲及全球化加入了敵人之列。按照這種思維模式，法國文明被圍攻了。這對(duì)憤怒的群眾、無產(chǎn)者很有吸引力。所謂的補(bǔ)救措施——國家控制、貶低移民和保護(hù)主義——是蠱惑民心的政客們熟練使用的萬靈藥。
Populism has had purchase because many of the grievances it has tapped are real. Unemployment is unacceptably high, median incomes have stagnated, welfare systems are under pressure and well-heeled bankers who laid low the world economy continue to fill their boots with cash. There should be no surprise that angry voters are receptive to angry slogans. But the populists have profited also from the complacency and timidity of the old elites. Some, like Mrs May, have tacked to the right. Others have stared at their feet. Parties of the centre-left have stood by idly as their traditional supporters have deserted them in droves.
民粹主義之所以有市場(chǎng)，是因?yàn)楸黄淅玫脑S多不滿情緒都是真實(shí)的。失業(yè)率高得令人無法接受，收入中位值停止增長(zhǎng)，福利制度承受巨大壓力，而讓世界經(jīng)濟(jì)陷入低迷的富有銀行家們還在繼續(xù)撈錢。憤怒的選民樂于接受憤怒的口號(hào)，這一點(diǎn)也不奇怪。但民粹主義者也得益于老派精英們的自滿和怯懦。有些人已經(jīng)倒向右翼，比如英國首相。其他人成了縮頭烏龜。中左翼政黨只好袖手旁觀，因?yàn)樗麄兊膫鹘y(tǒng)支持者已成批成批地將他們拋棄。
There are many reasons why the UK voted last year to leave the EU, but the failure over many years of British politicians of any persuasion ever to state the compelling case for close co-operation with the rest of the European continent laid the ground for Brexit. The “hard” Brexit and toughening of immigration controls now proposed by Mrs May speak to a fear of open, internationalist politics. Better, in the prime minister’s mind, to risk serious damage to Britain’s security and prosperity than to stand on the wrong side of the populists of the United Kingdom Independence party.
導(dǎo)致英國去年公投決定退出歐盟的原因很多，但多年來哪一派英國政治家都未能闡明與歐洲大陸密切合作的有力理由，這撒下了英國退歐的種子。“硬退歐”以及梅現(xiàn)在提議的更加嚴(yán)格的移民控制，表現(xiàn)出對(duì)開放的國際主義政治的恐懼。在首相梅看來，即便冒著嚴(yán)重?fù)p害英國安全與繁榮的風(fēng)險(xiǎn)，也好于在面對(duì)英國獨(dú)立黨(Independence party)的民粹主義者時(shí)站在了錯(cuò)誤的一邊。
Mr Macron is the first serious leader to make the patriotic case — to argue that the interests of France and the security, economic and physical, of its citizens rest on recovering a strong voice on the global stage. He is unapologetic in identifying the French economic interest with that of Europe, and of explaining that some of the biggest challenges facing the nation — terrorism and climate change among them — demand international collaboration rather than French retreat. It will seem odd to some that a leader should attract praise for laying out the simple facts of interdependence but that in itself is a measure of how far politics has fallen in the face of the populists.
馬克龍是首位鄭重其事地以愛國主義為理由提出以下主張的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人——他認(rèn)為法國的利益、法國公民的經(jīng)濟(jì)和人身安全要依靠法國在全球舞臺(tái)上重拾強(qiáng)大的話語權(quán)。他堅(jiān)定地認(rèn)為法國的經(jīng)濟(jì)利益與歐洲的經(jīng)濟(jì)利益一致，法國面臨的最嚴(yán)峻挑戰(zhàn)——包括恐怖主義和氣候變化——都需要國際合作，法國自己不能退縮。一名領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人因闡明相互依賴的簡(jiǎn)單事實(shí)而受稱贊在一些人看來似乎有些奇怪，但從中可以看出，政治在民粹主義者面前淪落到了怎樣的地步。
None of this is to say Mr Macron will ultimately be successful in his endeavour. If, as the polls indicate, he secures a comfortable victory over Ms Le Pen in the second-round runoff on May 7, he faces parliamentary elections in June. En Marche! is a movement rather than a party and will struggle to win large numbers of seats in the assembly.
這并不是說馬克龍的努力最終一定會(huì)取得成功。如果(按民調(diào)所示)他能在5月7日的決勝輪中輕松戰(zhàn)勝勒龐，他還將面對(duì)6月的議會(huì)選舉。“前進(jìn)”運(yùn)動(dòng)還只是一場(chǎng)運(yùn)動(dòng)，而非真正意義上的政黨，很難在議會(huì)中贏得大量席位。
Nor is the would-be president’s prescription of domestic reform and international engagement assured of public support: nearly half of the voters in the first round of the presidential poll back candidates of the extreme right and left.
或?qū)⒊蔀榭偨y(tǒng)的馬克龍就國內(nèi)改革和國際參與開出的藥方也并不必然能得到公眾支持：近一半的選民在總統(tǒng)選舉首輪投票中支持極右翼和極左翼候選人。
That said, Mr Macron has illuminated the only path available to supporters of liberal, open societies. Nationalism, as Europe should have learnt, is always destructive. Patriotism is the antidote.
話雖如此，馬克龍為自由、開放型社會(huì)的支持者們指明了唯一一條可行的道路。民族主義始終是有破壞性的——這是歐洲早該吸取的教訓(xùn)。而愛國主義是一劑良藥。
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